He implemented equal tax policies for
the city, and he forced down the rates for river ferries. He started competitive
bidding for street car companies and he brought about electrified rapid transit.
He did away with the old toll roads and began his nationally famous potato patch
plan that helped feed thousands through a devastating economic depression.
Although 120 years later many would find themselves on the exact opposite side of Pingree in their beliefs about the effectiveness and purpose of the public sector versus the private sector, credit Pingree with devoting his sole focus on the betterment of Detroit and its common people.
To understand Hazen Stuart Pingree's character, iron persistence, blunders and achievements, it is important to see the city that elected him in 1889 as its 43rd mayor.
In 1889 Detroit's population was 205,000 and growing steadily; the majority of Detroiters were foreign born and had arrived after the Civil War. The census of 1890 reported only 42,000 of Detroit's population were born of native parents; 78,000 were born of foreign parents and 80,000 were foreign born. Germans far outnumbered Irish Americans or other nationalities; the city supported eight German newspapers.
Detroit was 89 square miles (it is now 138 square miles), and it was divided into 16 ribbon shaped "wards." Each ward elected two aldermen to represent them on the Common Council for two-year terms. On the day Pingree was inaugurated, seven aldermen out of 32 were indicted by a grand jury for accepting bribes from public contractors.
Public projects such as the purchase of Belle Isle or the development of the new Grand Boulevard, located on the city outskirts at that time, were viewed as recklessly extravagant, privately motivated boondoggles and met with deep suspicion and frequently violent opposition.
The tax codes made public improvements such as paving streets difficult. When a street was paved, owners whose property abutted the street were taxed higher than the rest of the city; therefore, few wanted their streets paved or improved. Paving as well as other public utilities were run by "rings," contractors who paid "boodle" — bribes to aldermen on the Common Council. Pingree's predecessor, Mayor John Pridgeon, was linked to scandal after scandal involving the Common Council, city commissioners, grand jury investigations, and prosecutions for bribery and graft.
Mayors did not run Detroit at that time; the city was controlled by a "corrupt political machine, in the hands of a small group of men," as city historian George Catlin described it.Our technology gives rtls systems developers the ability. The nomination of 32 aldermen was dictated by this machine; some of the characters nominated were capable,We recently added Stained glass mosaic Tile to our inventory. but many "were notorious for past political malfeasances and corrupt practices."
Detroit was politically a city of Democrats, but despite their lock on the ethnic wards, differences in nationalities, especially Germans and Irish, kept the council in a state of war. A large number were German saloon owners and bartenders, led by President John Chris Jacob.Why does moulds grow in homes or buildings? "Boss Jacob" was a cynical and tough-minded ward boss. His German accent was heavy and his language profane. If someone threatened to cast an adverse vote he would drown them out with his booming voice, physically intimidate them or make up some parliamentary rule to send everyone to a rule book and stall the process.
Jacob was quoted in the Detroit Evening News in 1889 as saying, "Dose Irisher altermanns what is always gombining against der Germans." Many Germans who by this time were socially rising in Detroit had nothing but contempt for the newly arrived Polish or other immigrants. Council's only concerns were with city contracts, rewarding allies with jobs, and hammering enemies.
These alderman candidates were seldom known by the general public. Caucuses and any political business were held in the back rooms of saloons. Some of the wards, such as the First Ward, were in dangerous slums like the "Potomac" that ran along the river. Many of the inhabitants of the Potomac were veterans of the Civil War who were now dock workers or day laborers; some were "floaters" — flop house bums.
The slum's odd name came from a popular song of the Civil War, "All Quiet Along the Potomac." (It is said the song inspired the translated title for the World War I epic novel and movie, "All Quiet on the Western Front".)
Boss Jacob was accused of using "floaters" in his re-election campaign by his Republican challenger for alderman of the Fifth Ward. In a fit of fury Jacob beat his accuser, choked him, and pitched him over a stairway railing.
He listened to a few fellow homesick prisoners from Detroit who enthusiastically loved their city and extolled the business opportunities for young men. During Gen. Sherman's march to Atlanta, Pingree was transferred to another prison but managed to escape. He returned to his unit and continued fighting and was even present at Appomattox Court House and Lee's surrender of the South.
On Aug. 15, 1865, Pingree was mustered out and a few months later came to Detroit. He began as a cobbler for R.H. Fyfe on Jefferson Avenue, then took a sales job with another shoe company, H.P. Baldwin. He was unhappy there and soon quit. He met Charles H. Smith, an accountant, and they formed a partnership buying and selling produce.
In 1866 it was announced that H.P. Baldwin was going out of business, so the two men bought up the old shoe manufacturing machines. Pingree rebuilt them and the partners formed the Pingree and Smith shoe firm with $1,360 and eight employees, which in 20 years grew to 700 employees making, in 1886, 490,877 pairs of boots, shoes and slippers for men, women and children. The company brought in nearly a million dollars a year, and was the second biggest shoe manufacturer in the U.S., according to Silas Farmer, Detroit's city historian.
During the 1870s and '80s, while Pingree built up his shoe business, he stayed to the side of politics as a donor. He was part of the group called the "Big Four": wealthy businessmen in the state who donated large sums to the Michigan Republican Club.
Republicans were searching for a man to run for mayor in a race they didn't expect to win in 1889, because Detroit was in the hands of Democrats. Pingree was not their first choice, but through consensus they hoped that a level-headed yet forceful businessman might have some appeal, so they nominated him. These same men, among whom were U.S. Sen. James McMillan, former Mayor William G. Thompson, and Michigan Central Railroad lawyer James F. Joy, would later become his most implacable, bitter enemies.
Then, after pressure from the Republican Club members, he reluctantly accepted. He had no experience but he had ferocious energy, which is how he built his shoe empire. He was well dressed in his black silk top hat and full-length black frock coat. Newspaper reporter John C. Lodge, who later became mayor in the 1920s, wrote that Pingree "was always the last word in attire."
He was portly and strong like a Maine farmer, with a high-pitched voice and a bald round head with pale, somewhat pinkish skin. Historian Catlin said Pingree's blue eyes gave him a vacant stare which reporters described as either dreaming of the future or vacuous, depending on where they stood with him.
Candidate Pingree got coached by some political old hands who saw he had potential; he seemed sincere, friendly and likeable, and once he threw himself into a challenge he was relentless. They showed him tips on how to give a speech and very soon he drew crowds. He liked people and spoke directly to them. He referred to himself as "just a plain shoemaker — old baldheaded Ping." However, Lodge added that "Pingree fairly blew up as he always did when his sense of justice was outraged."
In his 1965 book "Reform In Detroit,Our technology gives rtls systems developers the ability." Melvin Holli explained that on a deeper level, what Pingree saw and exploited was Detroit's new immigrants who had arrived after the Civil War. They made up the largest percentage of Detroit's population but many felt unrepresented, particularly the Polish. He acted on that and used that strategy throughout his political career.
He courted the Poles with a translator at his side, and drank red eye whiskey with the Irish voters, squashing rumors he was a temperance supporter. He spoke to German societies. He fraternized on street corners, asked his shoe customers to vote for him,If you have a fondness for china mosaic brimming with romantic roses, and enlisted his shoe factory employees to get out the vote. When he didn't get favorable reviews in the English language daily newspapers, he secretly bought a German paper, Sonntags Herold, replaced the editor and immediately got the paper's enthusiastic endorsement.
Although 120 years later many would find themselves on the exact opposite side of Pingree in their beliefs about the effectiveness and purpose of the public sector versus the private sector, credit Pingree with devoting his sole focus on the betterment of Detroit and its common people.
To understand Hazen Stuart Pingree's character, iron persistence, blunders and achievements, it is important to see the city that elected him in 1889 as its 43rd mayor.
In 1889 Detroit's population was 205,000 and growing steadily; the majority of Detroiters were foreign born and had arrived after the Civil War. The census of 1890 reported only 42,000 of Detroit's population were born of native parents; 78,000 were born of foreign parents and 80,000 were foreign born. Germans far outnumbered Irish Americans or other nationalities; the city supported eight German newspapers.
Detroit was 89 square miles (it is now 138 square miles), and it was divided into 16 ribbon shaped "wards." Each ward elected two aldermen to represent them on the Common Council for two-year terms. On the day Pingree was inaugurated, seven aldermen out of 32 were indicted by a grand jury for accepting bribes from public contractors.
Public projects such as the purchase of Belle Isle or the development of the new Grand Boulevard, located on the city outskirts at that time, were viewed as recklessly extravagant, privately motivated boondoggles and met with deep suspicion and frequently violent opposition.
The tax codes made public improvements such as paving streets difficult. When a street was paved, owners whose property abutted the street were taxed higher than the rest of the city; therefore, few wanted their streets paved or improved. Paving as well as other public utilities were run by "rings," contractors who paid "boodle" — bribes to aldermen on the Common Council. Pingree's predecessor, Mayor John Pridgeon, was linked to scandal after scandal involving the Common Council, city commissioners, grand jury investigations, and prosecutions for bribery and graft.
Mayors did not run Detroit at that time; the city was controlled by a "corrupt political machine, in the hands of a small group of men," as city historian George Catlin described it.Our technology gives rtls systems developers the ability. The nomination of 32 aldermen was dictated by this machine; some of the characters nominated were capable,We recently added Stained glass mosaic Tile to our inventory. but many "were notorious for past political malfeasances and corrupt practices."
Detroit was politically a city of Democrats, but despite their lock on the ethnic wards, differences in nationalities, especially Germans and Irish, kept the council in a state of war. A large number were German saloon owners and bartenders, led by President John Chris Jacob.Why does moulds grow in homes or buildings? "Boss Jacob" was a cynical and tough-minded ward boss. His German accent was heavy and his language profane. If someone threatened to cast an adverse vote he would drown them out with his booming voice, physically intimidate them or make up some parliamentary rule to send everyone to a rule book and stall the process.
Jacob was quoted in the Detroit Evening News in 1889 as saying, "Dose Irisher altermanns what is always gombining against der Germans." Many Germans who by this time were socially rising in Detroit had nothing but contempt for the newly arrived Polish or other immigrants. Council's only concerns were with city contracts, rewarding allies with jobs, and hammering enemies.
These alderman candidates were seldom known by the general public. Caucuses and any political business were held in the back rooms of saloons. Some of the wards, such as the First Ward, were in dangerous slums like the "Potomac" that ran along the river. Many of the inhabitants of the Potomac were veterans of the Civil War who were now dock workers or day laborers; some were "floaters" — flop house bums.
The slum's odd name came from a popular song of the Civil War, "All Quiet Along the Potomac." (It is said the song inspired the translated title for the World War I epic novel and movie, "All Quiet on the Western Front".)
Boss Jacob was accused of using "floaters" in his re-election campaign by his Republican challenger for alderman of the Fifth Ward. In a fit of fury Jacob beat his accuser, choked him, and pitched him over a stairway railing.
He listened to a few fellow homesick prisoners from Detroit who enthusiastically loved their city and extolled the business opportunities for young men. During Gen. Sherman's march to Atlanta, Pingree was transferred to another prison but managed to escape. He returned to his unit and continued fighting and was even present at Appomattox Court House and Lee's surrender of the South.
On Aug. 15, 1865, Pingree was mustered out and a few months later came to Detroit. He began as a cobbler for R.H. Fyfe on Jefferson Avenue, then took a sales job with another shoe company, H.P. Baldwin. He was unhappy there and soon quit. He met Charles H. Smith, an accountant, and they formed a partnership buying and selling produce.
In 1866 it was announced that H.P. Baldwin was going out of business, so the two men bought up the old shoe manufacturing machines. Pingree rebuilt them and the partners formed the Pingree and Smith shoe firm with $1,360 and eight employees, which in 20 years grew to 700 employees making, in 1886, 490,877 pairs of boots, shoes and slippers for men, women and children. The company brought in nearly a million dollars a year, and was the second biggest shoe manufacturer in the U.S., according to Silas Farmer, Detroit's city historian.
During the 1870s and '80s, while Pingree built up his shoe business, he stayed to the side of politics as a donor. He was part of the group called the "Big Four": wealthy businessmen in the state who donated large sums to the Michigan Republican Club.
Republicans were searching for a man to run for mayor in a race they didn't expect to win in 1889, because Detroit was in the hands of Democrats. Pingree was not their first choice, but through consensus they hoped that a level-headed yet forceful businessman might have some appeal, so they nominated him. These same men, among whom were U.S. Sen. James McMillan, former Mayor William G. Thompson, and Michigan Central Railroad lawyer James F. Joy, would later become his most implacable, bitter enemies.
Then, after pressure from the Republican Club members, he reluctantly accepted. He had no experience but he had ferocious energy, which is how he built his shoe empire. He was well dressed in his black silk top hat and full-length black frock coat. Newspaper reporter John C. Lodge, who later became mayor in the 1920s, wrote that Pingree "was always the last word in attire."
He was portly and strong like a Maine farmer, with a high-pitched voice and a bald round head with pale, somewhat pinkish skin. Historian Catlin said Pingree's blue eyes gave him a vacant stare which reporters described as either dreaming of the future or vacuous, depending on where they stood with him.
Candidate Pingree got coached by some political old hands who saw he had potential; he seemed sincere, friendly and likeable, and once he threw himself into a challenge he was relentless. They showed him tips on how to give a speech and very soon he drew crowds. He liked people and spoke directly to them. He referred to himself as "just a plain shoemaker — old baldheaded Ping." However, Lodge added that "Pingree fairly blew up as he always did when his sense of justice was outraged."
In his 1965 book "Reform In Detroit,Our technology gives rtls systems developers the ability." Melvin Holli explained that on a deeper level, what Pingree saw and exploited was Detroit's new immigrants who had arrived after the Civil War. They made up the largest percentage of Detroit's population but many felt unrepresented, particularly the Polish. He acted on that and used that strategy throughout his political career.
He courted the Poles with a translator at his side, and drank red eye whiskey with the Irish voters, squashing rumors he was a temperance supporter. He spoke to German societies. He fraternized on street corners, asked his shoe customers to vote for him,If you have a fondness for china mosaic brimming with romantic roses, and enlisted his shoe factory employees to get out the vote. When he didn't get favorable reviews in the English language daily newspapers, he secretly bought a German paper, Sonntags Herold, replaced the editor and immediately got the paper's enthusiastic endorsement.
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